Adde Obsee Taddasaa Margo

“Chaltu as Helen,” and Oromophobia

By Laalo Guduru*

Two remarkable Oromo episodes dominated the Ethiopian diaspora blogosphere and social media over the last few months: the episode of Jawar Mohammed and the Tesfaye Gebre-ab phenomenon. Here, I will only focus on Tesfaye Gebre-ab.

Should We Still Suggest an All-Inclusive Alliance, Which Can Be Different and Make a Difference in Ethiopia/Oromia?

By Fayyis Oromia*

In the liberation struggle against the oppressive Abyssinian empire’s system, we had passed through different phases, and we had formed till now different alliances against the tyrant rulers. The struggle has almost always been done by two ideologically opposite political camps, i.e. by the unionist liberators, who want to liberate oppressed nations in the empire and build, where possible, a union of autonomous nations, and by the unitarist patriots, who do disregard the autonomy of nations, but want to liberate individual citizens from any sort of oppression. In other words, it has been the struggle by those emphasizing group (national) liberty and by those stressing individual (citizens’) freedom. Despite their similarity in socialist ideology, one of the major differences between Me’ison and Ihapawas their tendency towards being a unionist and a unitarist, respectively.Me’ison, being dominated and led by Oromo intellectuals, had been for self-determination of nations in a sense of having their own national autonomy within the Ethiopian union, whereas Ihapa, being dominated and led by Tigrean intellectuals, had been for self-determination of nations in a sense of exercising their cultures within a unitary Ethiopia/Great Oromiawithout national autonomy.

I

Dying language revived – the story of Afan Oromo in Ethiopia

by Luke Waters | SBS.com.au

Toltu Tufa is a young lady with abundant energy and a clear objective.

“My aim is to create Oromo educational resources for every child in every family in every home,” she says.

(For more on Toltu’s Campaign, visit Afaan.com.au)

Frustrated at a lack of resources for Oromo language and culture classes, she created her own.

Not one to do things by halve, Toltu first visited and consulted nine Oromo communities around the world before devising the package comprising flash cards, posters and books.

She says community input ensured images and information are culturally appropriate, relevant and effective

An internet presence is critical in reaching more of the estimated 40-million Oromo people globally, but Toltu says there are practicalities to consider.

“I think with on-line technology there is a real potential for this to catapult into something viral… something massive,” Toltu says.

“I also think there’s still room for the hard copy books because there are so many countries where people don’t have access to technology and don’t have access to internet and wi-fi.

A website spruiking the program was launched last week and the hits are already in the thousands.

But for Toltu it’s all about the classroom.

“More than the verbal response…it’s the physical response that I see in children when they see the products,” she says.

“Their eyes light up and they say, ‘wow this is something I’ve never seen before’.

“And looking at the parents, some of the parents have been quite emotional saying I’ve never seen anything like this in my life.”

But one response means more than most.

“I think one person that who reacted like that who touched me most deeply was my dad.”

And she says he’s played a key role.

“When it came to the Oromo language, the only person I had was my Dad,” Toltu says.

“The way he taught me was literally verbally.

“This is how we do things, this is how we speak, this is what the Oromo language is about.

“He taught me with pen and paper and growing up that’s what everybody else seemed to be doing.”

In broken English, Abdul-Wahab Tufa describes his pride for his daughter’s work, and memories of a time when the Oromo language was banned in Ethiopia.

“Yes, punishment…put in the jail make some problem some people death,” he says, describing the punishments that speaking the banned language could exact.

Toltu Tufa says it’s a privilege to have ensured the survival of a language for her father and community.

“I feel really lucky that I’ve got a tool that I can use to help grow what my Dad actually planted a very long time ago.

“I feel really, really privileged to be able to do that and to be able to do that with my community. (It’s) not just me saying, ‘Hey this is what I’ve got, how we going to make this work?’

“But everybody is giving me feedback and suggestions and (we’re) creating something together. That’s been the most special part for me.”

Now, Toltu’s seeking funding to roll the program out globally – but there are no flash cards or posters involved in this appeal.

She has taken to YouTube to send her message.

“Regardless of where you are in the world, let me know if you have what it takes and together lets pledge to preserve a language whose story needs to be told.”

- Source: SBS.com.au

The Right to Protest: Ethiopian Regime Repression

They speak of democracy, but act violently to suppress dissenting voices and control the people through the inculcation of fear: they ignore human rights and trample on the people, they are a tyrannical wolf in democratic sheep’s clothing, causing suffering and misery to thousands of people throughout Ethiopia. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government repeatedly scoffs at international law and consistently acts in violation of their own Federal constitution – a liberal document written by the regime to please and deceive their foreign supporters. They have enacted laws of repression: the widely condemned Charities and Societies (ATD) law (CSO law) and the Anti Terrorism Declaration, which is the main tool of political control, together with the ‘Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation’ they form a formidable unjust arsenal of government control. Freedom of the media (which is largely ‘state-owned’) is denied and political dissent is all but outlawed.

Against this repressive backdrop, the Semayawi (Blue) party, a new opposition group, organized peaceful protests on the 2nd June in Addis Ababa. Ten thousand or so people marched through the capital demanding the release of political prisoners, “respect for the constitution” and Justice! Justice! Justice! It was (Reuters 2/06/2013 reported), an “anti-Government procession…. the first large-scale protest since a disputed 2005 election ended in street violence that killed 200 people”, a ‘disputed election’ result that was discredited totally by European Union observers and denounced by opposition groups and large swathes of the population.

The Chairman of the Semayawi Party, Yilekal Getachew, told Reuters, “We have repeatedly asked the government to release political leaders, journalists and those who asked the government not to intervene in religious affairs”. In keeping with the recent worldwide movement for freedom and social justice, he stated that, “if these questions are not resolved and no progress is made in the next three months, we will organize more protests. It is the beginning of our struggle”. To the disappointment of many and the surprise of nobody, the government has made no attempt to ‘resolve’ the questions raised, and true to their word a second demonstration was planned for 1st September in Addis Ababa. In the event, as the BBC report, around “100 members of Ethiopia’s opposition Semayawi (Blue) party were arrested and some badly beaten”, and “equipment such as sound systems were confiscated”, ahead of the planned rally, which was banned by the EPRDF. Government justification formed, and a cock and bull story was duly constructed with Communication Minister Shimeles Kemal stating “the venue [for Semayawi’s event) had already been booked by a pro-government group condemning religious extremism”.

Non-interference in religious affairs is one of the key demands of the Semayawi party, a demand based upon the constitutional commitment of religious independence from the State, which Muslim groups claim the government has violated. Enraged by government interference in all matters religious, the Muslim community have organised regular small-scale protests and sit-ins in the capital for the last two years. In early August, Reuters 8/08/2013 reported “Demonstrators chanted "Allahu Akbar" and hoisted banners that read "respect the constitution", referring to allegations that the government has tried to influence the highest Muslim affairs body, the Ethiopia Islamic Affairs Supreme Council”. Around 40% of Ethiopia’s population (around 85 million) are Muslim, for generations they have lived amicably with their Orthodox Christians neighbours, who make up the majority in the country; they are moderate in their beliefs and peaceful in their ways. The EPRDF in contrast are violent, intolerant and ideologically driven; ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ being the particular tune to which the democratic dictatorship hums and drums its partisan rule.

Ethiopia government links opposition leaders as terrorists showing poor judgment into political indifferences.

Ethiopia government links opposition leaders as terrorists showing poor judgment into political indifferences.

The Ethiopian Prime Minster Hailemariam Desalegne ''we are producing evidences against the opposition group''

NGOs in Ethiopia Still Struggling with Multiple Restrictions

A year after the death of former Ethiopian leader Meles Zenawi, hopes for change in the African country remain bleak, including for local aid groups struggling to cope with a wide range of restrictions over their work. The Ethiopian government passed in 2009 a law that restricted NGO fundraising activities and operations, and imposed stricter requirements for registration, like asking charities and civil society organizations to secure a letter of recommendation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Four years later and with the dictator out of the picture, the law remains a burden to aid groups, whose numbers have decreased since. Prior to 2009, there were reportedly some 3,822 registered civil society organizations in Ethiopia, but today there are no more than 1,500, according to a local aid official. In fact, the official told Devex the situation for NGOs has “worsened” under the current regime.

A year later, sources inside the country note the government of current Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has failed to make it easier for these organizations to do their job. “The majority of Ethiopian local NGOs are in depression” due to limited funds and registration difficulties, noted the official. Many groups depend heavily on a small pool of foreign donors. And the Charities and Societies Agency, created in 2009 to regulate CSO activities, implements according to this source “double standards” during registration, being more welcoming to NGOs that support the ruling party. “Some optimists hoped that with new leadership the Ethiopian government would change track and carry out human rights reforms, including amending the abusive CSO and anti-terrorism laws,” Laetitia Bader, a researcher at Human Rights Watch, told Devex. “Disappointingly, instead we see much the same patterns on the human rights front — including large scale arrests of peaceful protestors and prosecution of dissenting voices.”

But what seemed to particularly upset the local official is that donors do not seem to be helping to ease these restrictions on CSOs. For instance, the official finds British support to build the capacity of the CSA as helping the government weaken the CSO sector: “DFID [is] repeatedly helping the Agency while civil society [is] in crisis.” The U.K. Department for International Development has a program whose aims include improving the dialogue between the government and civil society sector, and bridging the gap between the two. The program began in 2010, a year after the NGO law was passed, and eventually included capacity building for CSA to meet the program’s objective.

But an annual review of the program concluded in November 2012 noted: “CSO perception of a conducive political and legal environment is not improving; the Agency database is neither publicly accessible nor currently up to date; federal-regional cooperation is not moving forward (to our knowledge); Agency understanding of the civil society sector is not improving (partly due to high staff turnover); and the guidelines and regulations have only received a very minor amendment due to pressure from CSOs and DPs.”

This is not the first time that DfID has been subject to criticism over its work in Ethiopia. The agency made headlines last year following its alleged plans to use part of its foreign aid budget for Ethiopia to train a police force accused of committing human rights abuses. DfID has dismissed the issue. Bader said: “We are concerned about any approach to the CSO law that is based on negotiating individual exemptions or waivers. This just allows the government to cherry-pick agencies, which completely undermines freedom of association. The law violates Ethiopia’s constitution and international human rights standards and needs to be amended; without fundamental changes it will be impossible to achieve a significant improvement in the working environment for NGOs.” Michael Shiferaw, communications officer for the Civil Society Support Program, which is managed by the British Council in Ethiopia and is also receiving some criticism, noted they are aware of these concerns, sometimes perhaps due to some misunderstanding or miscommunication. “We try to bridge the gap between what the agency does and what CSOs in general are doing by finding a common ground,” he told Devex. These realities are not helping address the country’s multiple problems, such as unemployment, high cost of living and corruption.

While the current regime may be trying to reach that by trying to improve infrastructure, many see this dream as far-fetched. “It looks like an illusion … still we are in agrarian society and majority of rural areas are food insecure … When [I] go to rural Ethiopia, I consider myself as if we are living in inhuman way of life,” explained the official. “For example, I was born from farmers family [and they are still] depending on me. I monthly send [them money]. If I keep quit even for one month, they can’t exist.”

The “I AM OROMO, FIRST” World Tour in Toronto

The world tour underway by two Oromo nationals under the title “I AM OROMO, FIRST” was convened in Toronto, Canada over the weekend. The

Some of the Participants of the Convention

convention that was held on Saturday, September 28, 2013 at Toronto Plaza Hotel attracted hundreds of Oromos of all ages, religions, and political backgrounds living in the GTA (Greater Toronto Area) in Canada. Of the two Oromo nationals who are engaged in the world tour – Obbo Jawar Mohammed and Obbo Mohammed Ademo – Obbo Jawar was present at the Toronto convention, although Obbo Mohammed Ademo was not able to make it due to some personal issues.

In an invigorating socio-political atmosphere, all points of discussion by participants revolved around the Oromo identity and its homeland – Oromia, and the responsibilities of the present generation in general and the Oromo youth in particular in promoting the two underlying concepts were underscored at the convention. In his address to the participants, Obbo Jawar Mohammed elaborated on the phases that the Oromo national struggle has so far gone through, and the remaining phases that need to be completed. Obbo Jawar broke down the four phases as revival, reconstruction,institutionalization, and empowerment. Revival and reconstruction in most cases being the two phases that followed the subjugation of the Oromos by the Abyssinian rule, and were more of the restoration of the Oromo self, identity, cultural and psychological makeup that were damaged as the result of all the socio-cultural, historical and political destructions. But, Obbo Jawar’s focus was on the institutionalization and empowerment of the Oromos as individuals, as a society, and as a nation, both of which were described by Obbo Jawar as the responsibilities of the Oromo youth in particular.

Obbo Jawar Mohammed

Obbo Mohammed Ademo, who addressed the participants over the telephone, brought up the idea of launching Oromo independent media and briefly talked about its significance by relating it to the current time of the Information Era. Obbo Jawar further elaborated on this project of launching Oromo’s own independent media, which is already underway. The Oromos at the convention, who applauded and welcomed the idea, started pledging financial supports right away.

The “I AM OROMO, FIRST” world tour, which made its tenth stop at Toronto, is expected to continue and take place in the same way in other parts of the world where there are Oromo communities.

Ayyaana Irreecha Oromoo Fulbaana 28 bara 2013 Oslo

IRREECHAA: THE OROMO NATIONAL THANKSGIVING DAY

    According to the Oromoo Dhahaa-Oromo Calender, September 30 is the 2012 Oromo National Thanksgiving day-Irreechaa Birraa of the year. An Irreechaa Birraa is a celebration that repeats once in a year-in birraa and involves special activities or amusements as it has a lot of importance in our lives.

The theme of this national Thanksgiving Day is “Moving Forward: Restoring the Spirit of Oromummaa” in which it aims to celebrate Irreechaa festivals to follow our tradition and religion in society, to create public awareness where Oromo cultural and religious issues will be discussed to provide a better understanding of Oromo culture and history, to pave the way for promotion of the Oromo culture, history and lifestyle and to celebrate Irreechaa, a national Thanksgiving Day.

We celebrate Irreechaa to thank Waaqaa for the blessings and mercies we have received throughout the past year at the sacred grounds of Hora Harsadi (Lake Harsadi), Bishoftu, Oromia. The Irreechaa festival is celebrated every year at the beginning of Birraa (the sunny new season after the dark, rainy winter season) throughout Oromia and around the world where Diaspora Oromos live.

We celebrate Irreechaa not only to thank Waaqaa (God) also to welcome the new season of plentiful harvests after the dark and rainy winter season associated with nature and creature. On Irreechaa festivals, friends, family, and relatives gather together and celebrate with joy and happiness. Irreechaa Festivals bring people closer to each other and make social bonds.

Moreover, we are celebrating this auspicious event to mark the end of rainy season^[1], known as Birraa, was established by Oromo forefathers, in the time of Gadaa Melbaa^[2] in Mormor, Oromia.   The auspicious day on which this last Mormor^[3] Day of Gadaa Belbaa^[4]-the Dark Time of starvation and hunger- was established on the 1^st Sunday of last week of September or the 1^stSunday of the 1^st week of October according to the Gadaa lunar calendar ‐‐ has been designated as our National Thanksgiving Day by modern‐day Oromo people.    Oromo communities both at home and abroad celebrate this National Thanksgiving Day every year.

During the event, we will be serving with Oromo foods and featuring with traditional dances by Oromo children, youth and dance troupes. Please come and experience our Oromo culture with people from various communities, social organizations, agencies, volunteers, friends and families.